포스트코로나 시대에 대비한

해양관광 및 지역재생 연구

2023. 6.

해양수산부

김정화

차 례

Ⅰ. 국외훈련 개요

Ⅱ. 훈련기관 개요

Ⅲ. 훈련결과 보고서

Ⅰ. 국외훈련 개요

1. 훈련국 : 영국

2. 훈련기관명 : 요크대학교 (University of York)

3. 훈련분야 : 공공행정

4. 훈련기간 : 2021.9.11 ~ 2023.7.10

Ⅱ. 훈련기관 개요

1. 기관명 : University of York

2. 주소 : University of York, Heslington,York, YO10 5DD, United Kingdom. (www.york.ac.uk)

3. 연락처 : T. +44 (0)1904 320 000

4. 기관 소개

1) 연 혁

ㅇ 1617년 제임스 1세에게 처음으로 대학 설립을 청원한 후 300여년 만인 1903년 F.J.먼비(F.J.Munby)와 요크셔 철학회원들을 비롯한 사람들이 빅토리아 요크셔대학교 설립을 청원하였다.

ㅇ 1963년 설립되었으며 같은 해 요크 중심지에 있는 유서 깊은 킹스 매너(King's Manor), 현재 대학 행정처가 있는 요크 가장자리의 헤슬링턴 홀(Heslington Hall)을 비롯한 3개 건물에서 200명의 학생으로 문을 열었다. 1년 후 헤슬링턴 캠퍼스에 대학 건물들이 들어서기 시작하였다.

ㅇ 설립 당시 경제학, 교육학, 영문학, 역사학, 수학, 정치학 등 6개 학부가 있었으며, 이듬해 Heslington을 중심으로 본격적으로 캠퍼스를 조성하였다.

ㅇ Derwent, Lanwith College(1965)를 시작으로 Alcuin, Vanbrugh College(1967), Goodriche College(1968), Wentworth College(1972)가 개교하였고, 90년대 이후 James College(1992), Halifax College(2003), Constantine College(2014) 개교로 2021년 현재 총 9개의 College로 구성되어 있으며, 30개 이상의 학과가 개설되어 있다.

ㅇ 1990년대에 급성장하여 학생 수는 8,500명으로 증가하였으며, 연구 및 교육 분야에서 국제적으로 우수한 평판을 받기 시작하고, 산업체와의 협력을 강화하여 1991년도에 ‘사이언스 파크’를 설립하였다.

ㅇ 2012년 3월 영국의 아이비리그라 불리는 연구 중심 대학 협의체인‘러셀 그룹(Russel Group)’의 일원으로 추가되었다.

ㅇ 2021년 타임즈 고등교육 세계 대학 랭킹 133위, 예술·인문 분야 세계 45위, 사회과학 분야 세계 100위, 생명과학 분야 175위이다. 2021년 영국 가디언지에 따르면 영국 내 Best University 16위에 랭크되었다.

2) 학위 프로그램 소개

ㅇ 코스명 (1+1과정) : Master of Public of Administration with Professional Placement

* 요크대 행정학 석사과정은 정치대학원(Department of Politics)에 속해 있으며, 정부 및 비영리 기관에서 국제 서비스 제공에 대한 지식을 축적할 수 있도록 마련된 과정으로 행정학에 관한 전문적인 공부할 수 있는 기회를 제공함

ㅇ 1년차 학위과정 : Autumn, Spring, Summer term으로 구성되어 있으며, 학점 이수 및 정책 보고서(논문) 작성으로 구성되어 있다. Autumn, Spring term에 6과목 120학점을 이수하고, Summer term에 논문 작성 60학점을 이수하여 총 180학점을 이수해야 졸업이 가능하다.

ㅇ 2년차 직무과정 : Academic supervisor와 미팅을 통하여 개별적인 훈련과제, 개인 희망 사항 등을 고려하여 정부기관, 지방정부, 제3섹터 기관에 배정되어 근무하거나 관련 교육을 통해 실제 정책 입안자, 정책 조언자로서의 역할을 배우는 과정으로 구성되어 있다.

Ⅲ. 훈련결과 보고서

A study on marine tourism and regional regeneration in preparation for the Post-Covid-Era

Department of Politics

Master of Public Administration

with Professional Placement

Abstract

Korea's fishing villages are on the verge of extinction due to low fertility, an aging population, and population dislocation. In particular, the poor settlement environment and the stagnation of the fishery industry are further accelerating this crisis. The disappearance of these fishing villages is not just a regional issue. This is because fishing villages in Korea perform various roles at the national level, such as supplying fishery products, monitoring marine territories, and supporting immediate response in case of marine accidents. Therefore, this policy report intends to analyze regional regeneration through a revitalization of the tourism industry using the unique resources possessed by fishing villages. To this end, I would like to analyze the cases of the Kalasatama project in Finland and the Amacho project in Japan, and present the requirements for successful regional regeneration.

< Table of Contents >

1. Introduction ------------------------------------------------------------------ 9

2. Background ---------------------------------------------------------------- 11

(1) Problems of South Korean Fishing Villages ---------------- 11

(2) Regional Regeneration --------------------------------------------- 15

(3) COVID-19 and the Marine Tourism Industry --------------- 17

3. Literature Review -------------------------------------------------------- 22

4. Network Governance --------------------------------------------------- 24

(1) Theoretical Review ------------------------------------------------- 24

(2) Theoretical Issues -------------------------------------------------- 33

(3) Network in South Korea's fishing villages ------------------ 40

5. Case Study ---------------------------------------------------------------- 44

(1) Kalasatama Regeneration Project in Finland -------------- 44

(2) Amacho Regeneration Project in Japan --------------------- 57

(3) The Fishing Village New Deal 300 in South Korea ---- 64

6. Conclusion ----------------------------------------------------------------- 82

Bibliography ------------------------------------------------------------------- 88

1. Introduction

Fishing villages in South Korea refer to areas adjacent to rivers, lakes, and seas where people mainly live by fisheries, excluding commercial and industrial areas among Eup, Myeon, and Dong (units of basic administrative districts in South Korea). (Article 3 of the Framework Act on the Development of Fisheries and Fishing Villages). For a long time, fishing villages have contributed to the local economy by playing an important role in supplying fishery products to the people based on abundant fishery resources.

However, as the national income rose during the period of economic growth, the phenomenon of seeking better living conditions and jobs appeared throughout society. In conjunction with these changes in social perception, the poor settlement and working conditions of fishing villages accelerated the outflow of population to cities, and structural problems such as the growing aging population and the crisis of fishing village extinction gradually lost the vitality of fishing villages (Park, 2016).

Compared to rural and urban areas, fishing villages are suffering from poor settlement conditions, outdated fishing facilities, lack of capital, a decrease in fishing manpower, and an aging population of fishermen. According to the statistics of the Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries in 2019, the income of fishing village residents was about $38,800 in 2018, which is 80% of the income of urban households. The population engaged in fishing has decreased by 53% from 251,000 in 2000 to 117,000 in 2017, and the aging population of fishing villages has also risen sharply from 15.9% in 2003 to 36.3% in 2018 (The 3rd Basic Plan for the Development of Fishing Villages and Fishing Ports, Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries, 2019).

However, with the increase in national income, people enjoy various leisure activities including fishing, yachting, and boating. Since fishing villages have various tourism resources such as the sea, marine leisure, and seafood, there is a lot of growth potential for the tourism industry using these resources. Therefore, in order to revive the gradually disappearing Korean fishing villages, a regional regeneration policy that reflects these changing trends is necessary.

In response to these changes of the times, the Korean government enacted the Fishing Village and Fishing Ports Act in 2005 and the Special Act to Support the Development of Fishing Villages in 2012, and has been preparing the basis for support for fishing villages. In particular, the Fishing Village New Deal 300, which started in 2019, is a large-scale regional regeneration project that is only implemented in fishing villages for the first time (Park et al., 2019).

'Fishing Village New Deal 300' is a national policy of the Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries, designed to revitalize fishing villages and improve the quality of life of residents by modernizing the infrastructures and discovering differentiated contents using core resources possessed by fishing villages (Lee and Kim, 2019).

The project was introduced to improve the poor settlement conditions of the fishing village as much as possible as the fishing port, which is a living space for residents and a key facility for economic activities, was lagging behind due to a lack of budget by local governments. To this end, from 2019 to 2024, about $2.243 billion is planned to be invested (Park et al., 2019).

However, as regional regeneration cannot be completed in a short period of time, it is still difficult to discuss the outcome of the policy. There are many doubts as to whether a lasting success story can be created. Therefore, this policy report will first examine the reality and problems of Korean fishing villages. And to solve this problem, a conceptual analysis will be conducted on regional regeneration through the activation of marine tourism.

In particular, it is intended to consider future development plans on the premise of the impact on the tourism industry due to covid-19. And by analyzing the success cases of other countries using the theoretical framework of Network Governance, I will examine what factors are necessary for the success of continuous regional regeneration. Finally, through this, I would like to make a policy recommendation for regional regeneration that can be applied to South Korean fishing villages.

2. Background

(1) Problems of South Korean Fishing Villages

The low fertility rate and aging problem in Korean society are at a very serious level. As of 2021, Korea's total fertility rate was 0.81, the lowest among OECD countries.

< Total Fertility Rate in South Korea >

** Source: KOSIS (National Statistical Office, Census)

The aging rate, which means the proportion of the elderly population aged 65 or older, is also 15.7% as of 2021, but it is increasing by 4.4% every year, 1.7 times the OECD average of 2.6%. At this rate, senior citizens aged 65 or older are expected to account for 37.4% of the total population by 2048, making them the oldest country among OECD countries (Statistics Korea, 2022). Fishing villages are experiencing more serious problems of hollowing out due to low fertility, aging, and population dislocation.

According to the regional extinction standard, which refers to the ratio of the elderly population aged 65 and over to the population of women of childbearing age (20-39 years old), the number of fishing villages with a high probability of local extinction is expected to increase from 130 in 2015 to 342 in 2045. In other words, it is analyzed that after 50 years, about 80% of all fishing villages will face the risk of extinction. The aging rate is also rapidly increasing from 32.2% in 2014 to 36.3% in 2018 (The 3rd Basic Plan for the Development of Fishing Villages and Fishing Ports, Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries, 2019).

< The Aging Rate in Fishing Villages >

	2014	2015	2016	2017	2018
Total(%)	32.2	30.5	32.5	35.2	36.3
Incheon	30.7	31.2	30.8	32.0	32.5
Busan	28.7	27.0	28.6	34.3	37.6
Ulsan	28.6	29.8	28.8	31.5	34.1
Gyunggi	24.4	26.4	30.4	32.4	35.0
Gangwon	22.0	21.4	23.0	25.3	29.5
Chungnam	36.7	37.7	41.5	47.5	47.4
Jeonbuk	31.5	29.6	34.8	36.0	38.6
Jeonnam	31.5	29.5	30.8	32.5	32.4
Gyungbuk	29.3	28.2	28.4	31.1	33.8
Gyungnam	32.1	29.1	30.5	32.8	34.2
Jeju	40.1	34.7	38.2	39.7	41.8

** Source: The 3rd Basic Plan for the Development of Fishing Villages and Fishing Port, Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries, 2019

It is estimated that the socio-economic cost of the extinction of the fishing village will be enormous not only in terms of regional issues but also in terms of the pluralistic value of fisheries and villages. Fishing villages in South Korea occupy 16.8% of the total national area and are living spaces in which about 5 million people, or 9.8% of the total population, live (The 3rd Basic Plan for the Development of Fishing Villages and Fishing Ports, Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries, 2019).

And if the disappearance or instability of the fishing community continues, it means that the supply of safe aquatic products, monitoring and alerting of marine territories, and an immediate response system in case of a maritime accident are no longer taken for granted.

The reason Korea's fishing villages are facing such a crisis is that they have less access to living services such as transportation and medical care than in cities, and lack educational and cultural facilities in other regions. The average number of cultural facilities in fishing villages is 3.61, which is significantly lower than 4.37 in non-fishing villages. In addition, from an economic point of view, the existing fishery boat industry is shrinking due to a decrease in aquatic resources (Park, 2018)

A strategy to cope with the local disappearance of fishing villages needs to be established in the direction of finding the sustainability of the fishing village society by recognizing the place as an attractive settlement space and a region with hope for the future by the younger generation. In other words, it is necessary to revitalize the region by reborn as a new space through regional regeneration using the unique resources of each fishing village.

(2) Regional Regeneration

A region can be used as a physical concept to indicate a set of specific places with homogeneous characteristics, but at the same time, it is a place where residents live and a common lifestyle is revealed (Lee and Kim, 2014). These regions experience deterioration due to various factors such as low fertility, aging, and low growth, which is called regional decline (Lee and Kim, 2014).

The regional decline also appears as a problem in which the cultural factors of the places are gradually disappearing. The decline of local cities adversely affects the surrounding and hinterland areas, impeding the revitalization of the area. In addition, it can be said that the increase in socio-economic costs and the generation of disparities between regions can lead to national problems such as population hollowing out as a result (Kim, 2019).

Urban regeneration, which is being promoted a lot in general, means re-creating urban functions and the environment by reorganizing the outdated old downtown. On the other hand, regional regeneration can be conceptually distinguished from simple urban regeneration because it re-creates a relatively underdeveloped area through the revitalization of the local community by utilizing local resources such as nature, culture, and history of the area (Choi and Kim, 2018).

In particular, the transition from the top-down method of pursuing regional growth by injecting external resources into a specific region led by the state in the meantime to a method of promoting regional development by strengthening their own capabilities led by local residents has emerged in the area of regional regeneration (Park, 2012).

In addition, regional regeneration is commonly used in the sense of revitalizing an area as it is a word. As already premised in the sense of revitalizing the region, it is a policy goal to solve and revitalize the socio-economic and physical problems experienced by the once prosperous region in the process of decline. Means to achieve the policy goal of regional regeneration may be the introduction of physical methods such as urban redevelopment, social programs such as community recovery, or economic methods such as job creation in the region (Lee et al., 2012).

In regional regeneration, the scope of the region can be seen to include not only cities on land, but also coastal fishing villages and island regions. In particular, Korea's fishing villages are at the forefront of low fertility and aging problems, so they are experiencing a more serious decline than land in terms of settlement conditions.

(3) COVID-19 and the Marine Tourism Industry

Covid-19 first emerged in China in December 2019 and spread around the world, leading to the World Health Organization's (WHO) pandemic declaration (WHO, 11 March 2020). As the number of infections soared, countries around the world implemented social distancing such as movement restrictions, remote classes, and telecommuting to prevent the spread of Covid-19, which was an innovative change unlike before (International Monetary Fund, June 2020).

These changes are also affecting the preference for travel in South Korean society. The Korea Tourism Organization announced travel trends that have changed due to COVID-19 through big data analysis (Korea Tourism Organization press release, 11 June 2020).

First of all, people are concerned about safety, so they tend to look for tourist attractions in their daily life at a short distance from their homes rather than long-distance famous tourist destinations. Second, the preference for outdoor activities such as leisure and camping is increasing rather than enclosed indoor tourism activities.

Third, in order to minimize the possibility of infection, it was found that small-scale family-based tourism activities are increasing. Fourth, tourism demand for eco-friendly and clean areas to avoid Covid-19 is increasing significantly.

Looking at the data released by Korea Trade Investment Promotion Agency (KOTRA), REVFINE, a consulting company specializing in travel in the United States, predicts that the demand for solo travel will increase, and eco-friendly and customized tourism products will be in the spotlight as a tourism trend after Covid-19. In addition, it is analyzed that the introduction of digital technologies such as virtual reality, artificial intelligence, and the Internet of Things will accelerate. (KOTRA, Overseas Market News, 4 June 2021)

The Korea Culture and Tourism Institute (2021) also said that the spread of non-face-to-face culture and personalization and miniaturization are accelerating as major trends in tourism after Covid-19. In addition, it was analyzed that the acceleration of the digital economy in the tourism industry, the deepening of polarization in tourism consumption, increased sensitivity to the threat of infectious diseases, and an increase in nature-friendly tourism.

And it is predicted that this trend will continue in the Post-Covid-19 Era (Korea Culture and Tourism Institute, 2021). Comprehensively looking at the prospects for the Post-Covid-19 era, it can be judged that the marine tourism industry, which is eco-friendly and can enjoy outdoor activities for families, has favorable conditions for revitalization.

Marine tourism is an experiential process of moving to the ocean or a place with marine resources and gaining inspiration through activities such as viewing, exercise, and recreation (Do, 2004). Marine tourism starts from simple activities such as visiting the sea or the coast or taking a walk and is expanding to sports activities on an industrial scale with the development of ships, small yachts and boats (Kim, 2015).

Therefore, marine tourism refers to all activities for the purpose of tourism that utilize resources existing in the space including the ocean, islands, fishing villages, and beaches. And it mainly occurs in the spatial domain affected by the marine environment adjacent to the sea area and coastline (Park and Hong, 2012).

The characteristics of marine tourism are as follows. First, marine tourism is absolutely dependent on the natural environment of the ocean and the space adjacent to it. For example, sea bathing, the most representative type of marine tourism activity, requires a certain level of water temperature, a gentle bottom and slope, a white sandy beach over a certain area, and a sea area with clean water quality. Yachts and boats in coastal waters require a wider and more stable surface than in normal areas (Lee, 2012).

Second, demand for marine tourism is elastically changed according to natural climatic conditions, and it is very sensitive to changes in weather and meteorological conditions. Marine tourism activities of those who directly use the sea are directly affected by wind, fog, typhoons, and cloud fog, so the usage time and activity period are relatively limited compared to land. For example, most marine tourism activities are mainly conducted in summer rather than winter and tend to appear relatively more during weekends when there is ample time than during weekdays (Lee et al., 2010).

Third, marine tourism entails significant restrictions than land tourism in terms of access to destinations. Even in Korea, where the land area is small, coastal areas are far from inland and urban areas, so access is often poor. In addition to rail, air, and a road connecting to islands or sea destinations, it is often necessary to use transportation through the sea separately (Park, 2012).

Fourth, due to the unique natural characteristics of the sea, marine tourism has a strong tendency for health, treatment, and recreation compared to inland tourism. In particular, in the case of marine tourism using the beautiful sea scenery, gives a lot of charm to the urbanites who are weary of living in the modern age from a spiritual point of view (Huh, 2010).

Fifth, marine tourism requires users' consideration of the marine environment and marine ecology conservation. Coastal areas where marine tourism takes place are the areas where land and seawater intersect, as well as areas where seawater and freshwater intersect. Therefore, it has the characteristics of an ecosystem that is sensitive to environmental changes and has an environmental structure that is somewhat vulnerable to the inflow of external pollutants or wastes such as human activities (Park and Hong, 2012).

However, although there are obstacles to marine tourism such as weather and season, according to the announcement of the Korea Statistical Agency, the rate of marine tourism experience is steadily increasing from 80.0% in 2015, 82.7% in 2016, and 86.0% in 2017. In addition, sales by major marine leisure tourism service businesses such as marina business, underwater leisure business, and water leisure business are also showing an average annual growth rate of 15.9-42.6% (Kim, 2021).

According to the UN World Tourism Organization (WTO), marine tourism, cruise tourism, theme parks, urban tourism, rural tourism, eco-tourism, adventure tourism, sports tourism, international conferences, and the cultural tourism industry as 'Top 10 tourism trends' that will increase tourism demand in the future and the growth potential of the marine tourism market is highly evaluated (Park and Hong, 2012).

In Korea, which is surrounded by the sea on three sides, interest and demand for marine tourism are rapidly increasing, and the swift development of the marine tourism industry is also predicted (Oh et al., 2013).

Local regeneration projects using tourism are being discussed in terms of spatial regeneration strategies that utilize existing resources from the perspective of sustainable development (Kang, 2011). Tourism is evaluated as a powerful means for regeneration that can help to attract tourists by utilizing the tangible and intangible resources possessed by the region and to help re-create the image of the region (Kim, 2008).

In addition, the revitalization strategy using tourism in a declining fishing village activates local industrial and commercial activities and is a great driving force for economic revitalization such as re-influx of population and job creation (Park and Hong, 2012). In this context, it can be said that studies related to regional regeneration using tourism as a means are significant not only in theory but also in practical terms.

3. Literature Review

In a study related to regional regeneration in South Korea, Sung (2019) drew problems and improvement plans for the policy and legal system related to the New Deal project for urban regeneration in South Korea. Kim (2020) presents a sustainable local regeneration plan through the revitalization of an intermediate support organization and the local community.

Hwang (2019) studied the problems and improvement plans of the Incheon City Urban Regeneration New Deal. Most regional regeneration studies focus only on underdeveloped urban areas, so it is difficult to find regional regeneration studies targeting fishing villages or port cities located along the coast.

Although there have been regional regeneration studies targeting some fishing villages, they are either focused on a single policy task of the Fishing Village New Deal 300 project (Lee and Kim, 2019) or only dealt with conflicts between local residents that occur during the regional regeneration project (Lee et al., 2019).

Regarding marine tourism, Son and Kim (2018) suggested the development direction by analyzing the resources and contents of the fishing village experience program, and Gong (2012) raised the issue of duplication of 10 related laws. Park and Lee (2002) proposed the development of linkages between adjacent coastal communities and tourist destinations to make coastal communities sustainable.

Jeong et al. (2014) tested the hypothesis that a software (S/W) project is more effective than a hardware (H/W) project for regional revitalization. Taken together, there is a limitation in that the existing marine tourism-related literature data are analyzed only on some government policies rather than on the broad concept of marine tourism.

Overall, previous studies mainly dealt with urban regeneration projects and did not focus on regeneration projects that reflected the unique characteristics of coastal areas including fishing villages. In particular, there was no case of revitalizing marine tourism for a successful regional regeneration project.

Therefore, it is not possible to present a tourism-type regeneration model that can be applied in reality. Therefore, this study can be differentiated in that it analyzes marine tourism in connection with regional regeneration and proposes a successful model that can be applied to Korean fishing villages.

4. Network Governance

(1) Theoretical Review

In order to solve the problem of the disappearance of fishing villages, the regional regeneration of sustainable fishing villages must be successful. For this to happen, the participation of local residents is essential. Therefore, this policy report attempts to explain the essential success conditions for regional regeneration by borrowing the theoretical framework of network governance.

'Governance' emerged to satisfy the efficiency, effectiveness, and democracy of administration through participation and cooperation of various stakeholders, away from the government-led social problem-solving method of the past (Lee, 2002; Kooiman, 2003; Eun and Oh, 2009).

Governance is used in many ways. It can be divided into 'definition of broadest intention' as a general social adjustment to solve a problem, 'definition of broad intention' as a general concept of social adjustment to solve a social problem or public problem, and a specific type of 'definition of consultation' as a way to solve a public problem (Lee, 2017).

In general, many studies use governance as a term meaning network, which is the definition of consultation. Lee (2017) explains that the broad definition encompasses hierarchical problem solving and the market, and includes networks and horizontal cooperation as network governance as new ways to solve social problems that are differentiated from them.

Rhodes (1996), who established the conceptual basis for governance, divided governance into six categories: minimal state, corporate governance, new public management, good governance, socio-cybernetic systems, and self-organizing networks.  And it was argued that this definition could give new light on terms of the hollowing state, the new public management, and intergovernmental management.

In addition, in this context, various forms of governance such as 'network governance', 'collaborative governance, and 'meta governance' have also appeared, and the definition of this has been defined by several scholars until now (Rhodes, 1996; Stoker, 1998; Lee, 2002; Whitehead, 2003). However, it can be seen that the common core point is that they seek to solve common problems by exploring the possibility of a new administrative operation method through communication and cooperation.

The 'network', which is based on solidarity between actors, has an informal and flexible structure in contrast to the market or hierarchical structure and appears as a result of repetitive and complementary activities (Powell, 1990). In addition, the effect of networks becomes more pronounced when the motivation of public interest is provided in the public or non-profit sector (Provan & Milward, 1995).

In other words, reputation, friendship, interdependence, and altruism resulting from the continuous communication and information exchange between the public and private sectors can be said to be key factors in building network relationships (Macneil, 1985). The flow of network governance is also defined by various scholars, and the shaping factors and forms are being discussed from various perspectives.

First, Sørensen & Torfing (2009) viewed it as a new form of governance that greatly changed the existing form and function of government. It is defined as “an exchange of negotiations between actors of the state, market, and civil society that act interdependently and autonomously to resolve conflicts within rules, disciplines, and shared knowledge”.

In addition, explaining the form, characteristics, and functions of various types of networks is defined as first-generation governance, and the need for second-generation governance aimed at evaluating norms and political influence and improving performance was raised.

In a similar vein, Lee (2011) also emphasized the need for a 'second generation network governance theory' to provide an explanation of conditions, government roles, and emergencies for the development of network governance. It also pointed out that network governance is misunderstood as 'anarchy'. In other words, the role of the government is still important in network governance, and cooperation, expertise, and capacity between the government and non-government actors are very important to solve complex social problems.

Goldsmith & Eggers (2004) emphasized the importance of efficient public service delivery through public-private networks, as the government in modern society has limitations in solving social problems independently. And network governance represents the trend of third-party government, integrated government, digital revolution, and consumer demand in the public sector. At the same time, he emphasized that by combining high-level network management capabilities with public-private cooperation, policy outcomes can be improved and more public value can be produced.

Stoker (1998) argued that ① both the government and private actors/organizations participate in problem solving, ② the boundaries of responsibility of those in charge of solving social and economic problems are blurred, ③ the power dependency relationship between the parties involved in collective action is important, and ④ The presence of an autonomous network among actors, and ⑤ the existence of the ability to solve social problems without relying on the official authority of the government are mentioned as characteristics of network governance.

In the case of Rhodes (1996), network governance is characterized by ① interdependence between various organizations that transcend government and NGO/NPO, ② continuous interdependence to exchange resources necessary for achieving a shared goal, and ③ mutual interdependence. It is a game-like interaction based on negotiated and agreed-upon rules and trust, and ④ it has been defined as having autonomy from the government.

Lee (2017) characterized network governance as “a horizontal informal relationship between equal actors” in a form different from a hierarchy or market. This means the ability to solve social problems through cooperation by oneself while relying on the relationship between the parties and mutual benefits. Unlike new public management or good governance, it rejects hierarchical relationships and emphasizes a horizontal and autonomous complex organization among interdependent actors such as the market, state, and civil society (Rhodes, 1996).

As such, the concept and form of network governance can be seen as different for each scholar. However, the factors that they commonly imply are as follows. First, it is related to the change in the operating system of the centralized government and the solution of fundamental social problems. Second, various contexts such as open network relationships between the government and the private sector, voluntary participation and communication, specialization, and flexibility should be identified. Third, given the decentralized and complex nature of the network, efforts are needed to change perceptions and to social and normative aspects such as consensus and coordination (Powell, 1990; Lee, 2010).

In other words, network governance has developed in response to the failure of traditional government mechanisms, starting from providing new and alternative ways of working (Benner et al., 2004) It has in common that it organizes a network through close cooperation of actors to promote problem solving under the democratic participation of various actors (Park, 2011).

As a new form of social adjustment, network governance is trust, mutual understanding, reciprocity, informality, cooperation, mutual adjustment, shared ethical or moral commitment, a sense of common purpose, and trustworthy communication (Rhodes, 1996; Scharpf, 1997; Lowdness and Skelcher, 1998; Newman, 2001).

There are various studies that analyze the cooperative process of governance and present it as a model. Emerson et al. (2011) presented an integrated model centered on the dynamics of the cooperative process. Participation under the agreed principle, shared motivation, and capacity for joint action were structured to work like a cogwheel.

Specifically, it consists of the discovery stage to identify the interests and information of the participants, the definition stage to set definitions and standards for problems, the deliberation stage for effective communication for conflict resolution, and the determination stage as the outcome of conflict resolution (Emerson et al., 2011).

Ansell and Gash (2008) categorizes the governance of the cooperative process into starting conditions, collaborative processes, and outcomes/outcomes. In the process of cooperation, institutional design and facilitative leadership were considered to be influential. The detailed process of cooperation was analyzed as a cycle of trust building through face-to-face conversation, shared understanding, commitment to process, and intermediate outcomes.

Various studies, including this one, confirm the overall operating factors and systems of the cooperation process through cases. Based on this, the components of governance can be largely derived from participation, cooperation, performance, and external factors. If so, it is necessary to examine why people form networks and participate in cooperation, how they collaborate to create results, and what external conditions promote this.

First, as a starting condition for participating in the network, it was identified that the participants recognized the necessity and goal of cooperation. This is because they agree on the need to solve a problem, but due to its nature, it is difficult to independently secure the necessary knowledge, information, or resources, so cooperation is necessary when it is impossible to solve it alone (Lee, 2017).

Ansell and Gash (2008) also recognized 'resource imbalance' as a major factor in establishing cooperation and as a driving force for stakeholder participation. Past experience of cooperation and conflict also affects the starting conditions. Conflict can generally act as an obstacle to cooperation, but strong interdependence can be a strong incentive for participation. In other words, the expectation of stakeholders that participation in cooperation can be beneficial can be a strong driving force for network establishment (Jo and Kim, 2009).

Second, the cooperative process can be said to be a process in which members recognize that a network can be more effective through the process of deriving common understanding and agreed goals, and creating common outcomes. What Emerson et al. (2011) and Ansell and Gash (2008) have in common is a virtuous cycle. It is important in the initial network formation process to recognize that horizontal and voluntary cooperation can be a useful tool for solving problems.

In addition, the results created by them are shared widely by members, resulting in strengthening members' sense of efficacy. Solving complex problems that cannot be solved alone increases the incentives for participation, which increases the likelihood of cooperation emerging and succeeding (Lee, 2017).

Furthermore, performance and efficacy can lead to physical expansion, in which members of the network increase, as well as non-physical expansion, such as setting new goals beyond the initial shared understanding or goals and creating greater results. In this process, trust building was viewed as facilitating the circulation process while influencing the overall cooperation process.

Trust accumulated through frequent interactions, exchanges, atypical knowledge exchanges, and frequent communication becomes a key link in the circulation process that creates a new common understanding. Lee (2017) also cites trust building of various actors participating in cooperation as important. This is because communication based on trust increases the possibility of cooperation success.

Third, outside of this cooperative process, facilitative leadership plays an important role. Facilitative leadership can be an essential requirement when establishing common goals, setting rules for oneself when cooperation is not smooth, stimulating communication, and seeking mutual benefits (Ansell and Gash, 2008). In addition, stakeholders can be in charge of the process of persuasion and coordination of cooperative participation (Jo and Kim, 2009).

Fourth, if there is an appropriate institutional device for monitoring, evaluation, and accountability, and mutually beneficial behavior of the other party can be trusted, the possibility of success in cooperation increases. The basic rules, organizational system, and institutional procedures for cooperation give them official status and refer to the administrative support necessary to regulate the behavior of the participants (Jang et al., 2011).

Finally, performance refers to the direct and indirect results produced through cooperation (Lee and Ki, 2019). The performance created can be evaluated by whether or not the public value pursued by cooperation is achieved (Lee, 2017).

There are also various studies that have analyzed that network governance is more effective in implementing various policies and solving social problems (Agranoff and McGuire, 2001; Provan and Milward, 1995). Johnston and Romzek (2008) stated that network governance considering the services to be delivered or regional characteristics improves the performance of cooperation.

The effects generated by constructing the network that these studies are talking about are mainly recognized as reducing costs or improving performance of individual organizations, and how well they have achieved their original goals (Yoo, 2018).

In other words, as mentioned by Provan and Milward (1995), if the network is maintained stably and sufficient physical and human resources exist, this becomes a mediator and increases the effectiveness of the network.

(2) Theoretical Issues

Network governance has emerged as an alternative to breaking away from the traditional form of government (bureaucratic system) in the process of increasing the productivity of government policies (Rethemeyer, 2005). As the problems dealt with by the government became broader, it became increasingly difficult to solve the problems by the government alone.

In the past, as an alternative, outsourcing, which entrusts part of the government's role to private organizations, was considered. However, this caused problems of excessive competition between organizations and lack of accountability, and the concept of network began to attract attention in the process of seeking alternatives to coordinate private organizations.

Eventually, network governance emerged as an emphasis on public-private partnerships in the process of overcoming both government and market failures (Shergold, 2008; Salamon, 2002). Therefore, network governance can be understood as “maintaining a horizontal and interdependent relationship between public and private organizations to solve problems based on decentralization and decentralization” (Finer, 1999).

Network governance within the delivery system for service provision belongs to the service implementation network among various networks classified by Milward and Provan (2006). A service implementation network is a typical cooperative network formed between the public and private sectors to properly deliver services to service consumers. Usually, two or more organizations form a network through purchase contracts, etc., and deliver services through cooperation on a relatively equal footing.

Usually, higher-level (central) governments act as financial and oversight bodies, and sometimes act as monopolistic actors purchasing services produced by network organizations. Therefore, laws and regulations that regulate the structure of the network must clearly exist, and when a stable relationship between organizations is formed based on this, the network can be maintained. Governance of various cooperative networks, including service implementation networks, presupposes equal participation in that they have a horizontal hierarchy.

However, looking at the structural aspect, the form of the connection network shows some differentiation, which depends on how the role of the network manager is defined. Specifically, it can be classified into three types according to the existence of a broker between organizations and the location of the broker's network (Provan & Kenis, 2008).

In other words, the structure of the network can be formed differently depending on whether the mediator is single or a small number of organizations, and whether the mediator exists as part of a constituent organization within the network (internally governed) or whether the network is coordinated and supervised from the outside (externally governed).

In a self-governed network, all organizations participating in the cooperative network function as mediators, and they have equal authority in decision-making regardless of the order of participation or the size of the organization. In reality, it is difficult for many organizations to occupy an equal position in the network, so self-management networks mainly feature a small number of organizations that have high mutual trust and constitute a high-density network.

A lead organization network shows a form in which a single or a small number of mediators exist in the network, linking and coordinating multiple participating organizations. Within the network, participating organizations sometimes form a network with each other, but this is weaker than the case of linking with or through a leading organization. Here, the centralization of the network centered on the leading organization is relatively high, but the density is low, because the leading organization plays an important role in forming the network.

Finally, network administrative organization governance differs from the previous two types in having existing organizations within the network as arbiters. In other words, a mediator from outside the network (or newly incorporated) plays a mediating role for organizations within the network.

In particular, rather than direct service delivery, it focuses more on the role of coordination between participating organizations, and it is a form that appears in large-scale networks with relatively many participating organizations, showing a medium level of density and a high level of concentration.

Network governance, which emerged as new governance from the 1990s, is drawing attention as a new social coordination mode by emphasizing interactions based on horizontal and self-organizing characteristic structures (Pierre and Peters, 2000; Bae and Im, 2010).

Moreover, considering the role of the government in responding to numerous policy issues at the time of entering the 4th industrial revolution, the importance of a network with the advantages of specialization, innovation, speed, and flexibility is very great. (Goldsmith & Eggers, 2004).

However, despite such a positive view, there is a problem that various limitations can be found when applied in practice, unlike achieving the ideal goal through network governance. In other words, in order to effectively manage and understand the network, it is necessary to discuss the complementary points when network governance is reflected in reality. Therefore, I would like to present the limitations and issues of network governance suggested in previous studies.

First, when considering the diversity and overlap of the participants or each organization, communication problems may arise between them, which inevitably causes problems in structuring the flow of information and resources within the network (Goldsmith & Eggers, 2004; Seo & Min, 2005; Adam & Kriesi, 2007). Goldsmith & Eggers (2004) emphasized that communication failure is the main cause of network failure, and emphasized that a communication channel through which free-flowing information can flow should be established.

Therefore, it is necessary to establish a digital-oriented communication method, and the co-location of public officials and the private sector to activate face-to-face dialogue is helpful in building trust. While the recent emphasis on communication methods through the Internet in the public domain, these points suggest that it is necessary to consider the establishment of an offline communication method in consideration of the possibility that people with low accessibility may be alienated.

Second, the government may be unable to develop methods or tools for the public to actively participate in policy agendas or decisions, or to accept opinions. In networks that are changing to an open form along with the development of ICT, active participation of the people appears to solve various problems (Jang & Song, 2019). However, success cannot be guaranteed if the government fails to secure the capacity to accommodate the public's opinions or to restrict public access.

Therefore, the government must clearly identify and respond to the needs of the people and provide institutional tools and opportunities to promote participation and discussion. In addition, the government's ability to mediate and a sense of responsibility to alleviate conflicts among various stakeholders in the policy-making process should be accompanied.

Third, problems may arise in which the information provided is insufficient or the mediating factors for effectively delivering it are unclear. In a modern society characterized by diversity, complexity, and dynamics, the boundaries between the public and private sectors are blurred, and the interaction between them is an important factor (Kooiman, 2000).

Therefore, the network seeks numerous alternatives and seeks to solve social problems, so the government must produce the best public value by securing an institutional device that can disclose transparent information (Goldsmith & Eggers, 2004). This is because if the government restricts the sharing of information when the people play a new role, the knowledge of the people will inevitably be limited, and furthermore, there will be restrictions in solving problems (Rhodes, 1996).

In order to develop network governance like this, there are elements that must be preceded. In a situation where the private and market sectors are immature, it is not desirable to unconditionally introduce a network-type system into state affairs only by recognizing that it is a new paradigm. Rather, it is because there is a high possibility that it will be used for a political purpose that transfers the responsibility of the government to the private sector (Jo, 2005).

Based on these points, the government's role to develop network governance can be summarized as follows. First, it is necessary to establish a cooperative relationship by identifying the conditions for problem-solving through the network and providing incentives to actively attract various members of society to the decision-making process. In other words, it means that the government should rather perform a professional function (Lee, 2011). In addition, it is necessary to provide clear and sufficient information to the public and have the network management ability to collect opinions (Sørensen & Torfing, 2009).

Sørensen & Torfing (2009) divided network management into effectiveness and democracy. Effectiveness is to provide sufficient resources to reduce transaction costs and to enhance capacity among network actors, and to flexibly coordinate the means to encourage innovation. Democracy is the establishment of transparency through the proper circulation of information by empowering weak and marginalized network actors to promote equality within the network. To this end, it is necessary to prepare a forum for communication, such as open discussions and lectures, and strive to expand deliberation and public participation.

(3) Network in South Korea's fishing villages

The traditional community of Korean fishing villages is centered on the fishing village fraternity and has been operated exclusively and closed. The fishing community prioritizes community norms over personal tendencies through socio-cultural homogeneity and closure based on blood ties and delay. In order to become a member of the fishing community, you can join limitedly through a general meeting of the fishing community.

In addition, the traditional fishing community is based on a trust relationship in the production area of joint production and distribution of marine products (Kim, 2011). In other words, fishing communities have applied thorough community regulations in the use and distribution of fishing grounds or new income activities.

However, since the 1960s, the Korean economy has begun full-scale urbanization and industrialization. Urbanization, where the population of rural areas migrated to urban areas, and fishing villages with relatively poor living conditions and few job opportunities were hollowed out.

As the national economy develops and social conditions change rapidly, fishing communities are also changing. Fishing communities have traditionally developed around fishing villages, but since 2000, as active government policies have been implemented for the purpose of developing fishing villages, communities have diversified and subdivided compared to the past due to self-management communities, association corporations, fishing company corporations, and remote villages.

In particular, the diversification of fishing communities has a positive aspect in that the environment of fishing villages becomes more complex and diversified, but it can be said that the unity of fishing villages centered on fishing villages is weakening.

On the other hand, changes in fishing villages are also closely related to the structural problem of reduction of the fishing industry in the process of economic development. Along with the deterioration of fishing conditions, the hollowing out of fishing villages and the progress of aging are appearing as a reduction in the size of fishing villages.

In order for the fishing community to survive in the stagnation of the fishing village society, it is necessary to seek developmental reorganization into a new community through cooperation and solidarity among communities.

In fishing villages, industries are expanding from the traditional fishing industry in the past to related service industries such as fishing village tourism, marine leisure, lodging, and restaurants. According to the changes in the fishing village society, the fishing community in the modern sense can be said to be flexible, socio-cultural community, and economic community connected with industry.

< Characteristics of Fishing Village Community in the Modern Term>

As the traditional fishing village community based on the homogeneity of blood ties is dismantled, the individual tendencies of the members are emphasized through open cooperation as well as the pursuit of community values. The members of the modern fishing community go beyond the fishing community and include various members of the local industry that constitutes the fishing community.

In addition, the economic activities of modern fishing villages are also pursuing income diversification by linking with local industries such as distribution, processing, tourism, and restaurants in the land sector as well as joint production activities at fishing grounds in the fishing zone. In addition, the business method of modern fishing communities is changing from a uniform top-down system led by the government to a direction that emphasizes the autonomous participation of the community while considering the conditions and characteristics of the community.

In this way, the traditional fishing community has developed into an economic community based on the fishing village system centered on the fishery industry. However, amid the stagnation of the fishery industry, such as the continuous decline in fishery resources, the devastation of the fishing ground environment, aging, and hollowing out, the increasing demand for marine tourism by the people and the active promotion of the government's active fishing policy have led to developmental changes in the community in the direction of diversifying income sources and increasing added value. It is a necessary moment.

Therefore, it will not be easy for the local regeneration project to succeed through network governance in the fishing village because the fishing village itself is undergoing a paradigm shift. However, if you think on the contrary, now that fundamental community change is being sought due to various social, economic, and cultural factors, it may be a condition for network governance that can respond flexibly to change to succeed.

5. Case Study

(1) Kalasatama Regeneration Project in Finland

The Kalasatama district, a fishing village in Helsinki, Finland, is not an original name. It was originally a fishing village near the Sornainen Harbour, Helsinki's oldest fishing port. As the city gradually developed and the fishing industry declined due to the decrease in fishing resources in the coastal sea, the function of the fishing port also degenerated, and the fishing village area also stagnated. As the fisheries industry, which has been Helsinki's growth engine for more than 100 years, slowed down, ports and villages fell into a major slump (Helsinki City History Publicity Officer, 2022).

Although located near the city center of Helsinki, until the late 2000s, the Kalasatama area remained largely neglected. Dilapidated buildings, old factories and warehouses, water sheds in a narrow port, and outdated facilities remained as ‘urban abominations’ for more than 10 years from the late 1990s to 2008.

The original city center and port, which once supported the city, have turned away from the interest of the people of Helsinki. Coincidentally, during this period, Finland also has the fastest aging population in Europe and a national weakness that lacks natural resources.

Finland, also known as 'super-aging' in Europe, has recently seen an increase in loneliness, depression, and social problems, including economic problems such as supporting the elderly population (Martikka et al., 2018). This phenomenon quickly appeared in large cities in Finland, and the Helsinki metropolitan area was no exception (Martikka et al., 2018). Helsinki's urban growth began to slow from around 2000, and the appearance of a 'decline city' began to appear due to the stagnant elderly population.

People who made a living by fishing left the city a long time ago, and there was no suitable alternative industry in the original city port, where they had traditionally traded (De Falco et al., 2019). Helsinki, Finland changed the name of ‘Sornainen’ port to ‘Kalasatama’ in 2013 and established and carried out the ‘Smart Kalasatama Project’ to regenerate this district. It was decided in a way that residents and the city government would work together to make it for about 23 years from 2013 to 2035 (Smart Kalasatama Project, 2022).

There were vacant lots, warehouses, factories, etc. in the Helsinki waterfront district with an area of about 1.9㎢ centered on the old port, but the work of dismantling them was carried out first. From 2013, it took about 2 years just to reorganize the environment around the old port and clean up the foundation site (Smart Kalasatama Project, 2022).

Initially, the regeneration plan of the Kalasatama district was led by the Helsinki Municipal Government. It seems that there was a reason why it was not easy to attract the attention of private investment or companies right away in the aging factory area and the deteriorated port area.

The ‘Kalasatama Project’ is supported by the Ministry of Employment and Economy of the central government of Finland and the Helsinki Municipal Government, respectively. The Finnish central government's 'Technology and Innovation Agency (TEKES)' is a national organization in charge of creating smart cities in large cities.

The Technology Innovation Agency was operating the ‘Witty City Program’ in Helsinki from 2012 to 2017. The program and its budget were entrusted to the Helsinki City Government's Center for Urban Development and Economic Planning. The content was to create urban planning based on cutting-edge technology and new and renewable energy, and to plan urban regeneration.

A total of more than 100 million euros and around 200 projects were supported through the Witty City program for five years until 2017 (Business Finland Witty City, 2022). Since 2013, ‘Smart Kalasatama’ has been financially included in Helsinki’s ‘Witity Program’. Judging from the nature of the invested funds alone, this project is a kind of 'public development project'.

However, Helsinki attempted a cooperative experiment between public and private companies and residents to innovate the goals and processes of regional regeneration. In other words, Helsinki tried to find the basis of its policy strategy in the ‘open innovation platform’. The gist of the strategy is to focus on the needs and ideas of residents, open government and transparent policies, and innovation through learning and sharing of experiences.

The Kalasatama project received significant funding from the European Union level through the ‘EU Horizon 2020’ program by submitting this plan to the outside. This is an investment program in scientific research and innovation to solve social problems in various regions of Europe (Horizon Europe Program, 2022).

The city of Helsinki began pilot operation of 'Forum Virium Helsinki (FVH)', a municipal government-affiliated organization that led the development of Kalasatama in the early days. In order to maximize project performance and budget efficiency, the Helsinki Municipal Government established a separate ‘non-profit corporation’.

FVH can be viewed as a public institution supervised by the city government as members of the Helsinki City Council and high-ranking public officials participate as the executive team (Forumvirium Helsinki, 2022).

The ultimate purpose of the establishment of FVH was to establish close cooperative relationships with Helsinki City, businesses, and residents through sector-specific innovation clusters that provide open digital services. For several years starting in 2013, FVH has been in charge of all these processes.

Therefore, at the beginning of the implementation of the Kalasatama project, a framework and atmosphere for resident participation were created centered on FVH. Various local data and entities were opened to the public, and based on such transparency, ‘public-private governance’ began to be established for digital services and urban innovation.

However, it is not easy to develop and change solutions using an open platform centered on resident participation. The consciousness and motivation of the residents should follow that much. In that respect, Finland's high level of democracy and national consciousness can be seen as the basic background. At the same time, in 2012, Helsinki was selected as the ‘World Design Capital (WDC)’ hosted by the International Design Federation (IDA) and the International Council of Industrial Design Organizations (ICSID).

As Helsinki was selected as the world design capital, the eco-friendly regeneration policy gained more momentum, and in the process, the participation of the general public and the community culture were further spread (Anttila and Jussila, 2018). It has been a great boon for the regeneration of the Kalasatama area, expanding the foundation for Helsinki residents to grow as organizers of culture and art. This became an important background and justification for resident participation in the planning and promotion of ‘Kalasatama’.

It is noteworthy that Helsinki places great emphasis on democratic decision-making in which relevant stakeholders are involved in the establishment of a long-term regeneration plan. However, this kind of democracy is not the usual ‘indirect democracy’ or ‘representative democracy’. It is important to note that it means ‘Direct Democracy’ or ‘Action Democracy’, in which residents directly step in and make their own decisions (Mees et al., 2014).

Local regeneration and creation of Kalasatama stands at the center of such a keynote, and from the beginning, the design method was adopted by citizens to think and create everything themselves. In the idea and direction of transforming an abandoned port area into an eco-friendly and cultural space, citizens take the initiative and take a role.

This method has its theoretical roots in the European Union’s ‘Living Lab’ system. Living Lab literally means “the space where residents live on a daily basis is like a ‘lab’.” Therefore, it is often used in the meaning of ‘living laboratory’ and ‘resident laboratory’ (Back, 2018).

This concept was first coined by Professor William J. Mitchell of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in 2004. Living Lab is an active meaning in which users directly develop, use, and participate in new technologies or new products to come up with ideas and become the main agents of completing them (Lee and Park, 2019).

Crucially, the living lab differs in that experiments are conducted in everyday life, not in a controlled and refined laboratory environment. In other words, this is a kind of ‘user innovation’, and it is a process of co-creating innovation through the connection of various actors based on real life. So, recently, Living Lab is receiving global attention as a user-driven innovation platform in various fields such as advanced ICT, energy, agriculture, and medical care (Haukipuro et al., 2018).

At the EU level, the European Network of Living Labs (ENOLL) was launched in 2006 and is being actively operated. With the launch of this network, projects to build smart cities, establish a futuristic Internet environment, establish an innovative industrial ecosystem, and actively respond to climate change were implemented in many developed countries and large cities in Europe. Europe is now aiming to improve the competitiveness of the regenerated region, improve the quality of life of residents, and pursue sustainability through this living lab method.

The regeneration of Kalasatama was also promoted as an extension of this trend (European Living Lab Network, 2022). The most important thing here is that services composed of core technologies are applied to the right place to elicit citizens' satisfaction and happiness. The judgment on whether the goals of high-tech innovation and regional regeneration through infrastructure are properly implemented is determined by the "feeling of citizens" (European Living Lab Network, 2022).

In addition, the existing projects mainly focused on the construction of new towns centered on physical infrastructure. In particular, as it was conducted in a one-way format led by the government, there was a blind spot in which citizens' satisfaction and sensibility were not high.

The Kalasatama project started with reflection on this and attempted to innovate to reflect the opinions of independent citizens. This was the "introduction and operation of Urban Lab," which began in 2014. This is because smart urban regeneration should not simply pursue technological progress and convenience. ‘People first and life-centered values’ is a culture unique to Northern Europe and Finland, but the sudden introduction of the concept of Living Lab is evaluated to have greatly emphasized the importance of resident participation in the regeneration of Kalasatama in society (Smart Kalasatama Project, 2022).

The residents of Kalasatama, who participated in the first Living Lab, remained in the role of simple observers and had a strong passive meaning. Then, the government and companies persuaded the early residents of the cause and purpose of having a living lab together in a simple and clear manner.

It was to “propose and verify ways to reduce environmental pollution and improve the living environment conveniently by using cutting-edge technology and eco-friendly technology”. Gradually, as time went on, the residents realized that the regeneration project was their job, and they did not hesitate to give their time and ideas themselves (Smart Kalasatama Project, 2022).

As a result, Living Lab emerged as a new methodological alternative and spread like a fad in other Finnish cities. In addition to Helsinki Kalasatama, Living Lab is contributing greatly to the creation of various services and regional regeneration using eco-friendly and cutting-edge technologies in various Finnish cities.

The structure and operation of Kalasatama Living Lab are analyzed as follows (Ojo et al. 2015). First of all, the Living Lab is basically operated as ‘A Space for Co-creation’. This space is a cozy space where residents can freely roam their thoughts and crystallize their ideas.

Living labs are clustered or dispersed by field and installed in various parts of the city, and each living lab is divided into 15 to 30 small groups, respectively. Each partition is equipped with a whiteboard, a movable table and chairs, and a separate small work room. Residents meet regularly here to share opinions by topic and organize suggestions.

To the extent that residents do not interfere with their livelihoods, the operating hours for each division of the small living lab are varied and autonomous, including lunch meetings, dinner meetings, and weekend meetings. Meetings by living lab divisions sometimes lead to large-scale general meetings about once a month, and vice versa.

The ‘Super Flexi-Space’ is reserved and used by non-profit organizations or civic groups that can be used independently as a group living lab. At this time, the key is to make all areas such as offices, schools, libraries, and empty parking lots a space that can be rented to others. These spaces are not confined to any specific place.

Nevertheless, the Super Flexi space is connected online so that various smart services in the region can be monitored and generated big data can be utilized, and it is a space where residents and expert groups work together to develop new solutions and additional services.

The ‘Smart Living Showroom’ allows anyone to directly experience the latest version of climate-friendly and smart living innovation at the Kalasatama Living Lab. This showroom is mainly for outsiders, and the attached exhibition room is especially suitable for international public relations centers and foreign organizations.

This space is also being used to promote the Kalasatama Regional Regeneration Project and to hold public and private events. It can accommodate up to 60 to 70 people at a time and is equipped with a large screen, presentation computer, and sound system, and a large outdoor terrace is also available.

Kalasatama Living Lab with such a multi-layered structure has the advantage of being able to demonstrate citizen participation, technological innovation, and service. In other words, the Living Lab can be defined as a laboratory and ‘test bed’ where residents, businesses, and the government jointly create innovation in the field of daily life.

In the case of the Helsinki Kalasatama Living Lab, it is sometimes classified as a ‘demand search type’ or ‘problem-solving type’ participation system because it recruits residents, discovers problems that meet demand, and solves problems through repeated feedback. Most experts agree that resident participation, which was previously limited in the policy-making process such as large-scale redevelopment, could be directly generated through the Living Lab.

However, it may not seem easy at first glance for residents who are busy with their livelihoods to convey their feelings in their daily life through various meetings and feedback. With common sense, it may seem that the interest and participation of citizens will be low. But in reality, it is not at all. Of the approximately 3,500 Kalasatama residents, approximately 1,600, or more than 40%, are directly participating in the Living Lab.

Each of the residents has been involved in the project personally for several years, almost becoming an expert in their lab. Various social innovation ideas such as electric vehicle sharing systems, social networking platforms between neighbors, and food sharing and exchange services were studied and experimented.

The core mechanism of resident participation that is creating the Kalasatama regional regeneration project creatively along with the operation of Urban Lab is the ‘Innovators Club’. The Innovators Club is made up of real-life residents, civil servants, academics, corporate employees, and activists from civic groups.

They meet on a weekly or monthly basis to discuss the detailed directions of regeneration projects and quick and effective solutions to unexpected problems. Once the recommendations and conclusions of the innovators club are put together, the officials who were members of the club are immediately transferred to the policy process.

In other words, the Helsinki Municipal Government reflects this as much as possible in the budget for the Kalasatama Regeneration Project. If private technology is needed, it is entrusted directly to a corporate employee who was also a member of the same club. The Innovators Club, which is a key operating mechanism of the Kalasatama Project holds almost every week and a total of more than 40 meetings a year. Innovator clubs come and go depending on the item, and more than 20 clubs are active every year.

The main topics discussed in the Innovators Club are whether to introduce a technology or service that is intended to be applied locally. In order for any new technology or service to be introduced into the lives of residents, it is essential to obtain the consent of the citizens in advance through a resident council called the Innovators Club. If the proposals submitted to the innovators club are passed at the meeting, the city government or public institutions directly allocates the budget and puts it into the program (Smart Kalasatama Project, 2022).

Companies get this public support to do things quickly and accurately. With the Innovators Club at the fore, the private, industry, and government collaboration systems are organically combined and moved. Kalasatama residents and private experts who participate in the Innovators Club are well aware of the problems and areas of improvement in their daily lives. Therefore, the sensitivity of the ideas and methods they directly propose is naturally high.

Ideas are suggested by citizens, but it is up to companies to implement them into products and services. The government and public institutions support and encourage these companies through policy. The government with the public interest as a value, technology-based companies, and civil society united around a sense of mission have built networks for each sector, and network governance is being implemented at the innovators club site.

For example, local artists and activists presented fresh ideas in the past innovators club on how to use the warehouse space of the long abandoned Kalasatama Port. As a result, various artistic and cultural events were held experimentally in the old warehouse building. With the creation and exhibition space applied with cutting-edge technology, it has become a tourist attraction visited by famous foreign artists and a large number of tourists throughout the year.

A so-called 'Cirtuous Circle of Regeneration Projects' has been created when citizens experience and suggest improvements in local regeneration policies, and local businesses receive support from the government and public institutions to develop and supplement them (Smart Kalasatama Project, 2022).

There is another reason why we should pay special attention to the Kalasatama Innovators Club. This is because the Innovators Club is in charge of preventing the city from becoming a simple publicity center or exhibition hall for high-tech and large corporations, regardless of the satisfaction or sensibility of the residents. In other words, the Innovators Club strictly selects and refines the services that Kalasatama residents really need and feel.

Even if the company has a good reputation or technology brand, if there is opposition from the members of the innovators club, it will be withheld or rejected. Furthermore, the Innovators Club plays a role in maintaining ‘Checks and Balances’ between residents’ awareness of problems, corporate efforts and information sharing, and public support for the success of Living Lab.

(2) Amacho Regeneration Project in Japan

Amacho is a small island town located about 60 km by sea from the Shimane Peninsula in central Japan. It takes 2-3 hours by high-speed boat or ferry from Shichirui Port. In 1963, it was designated as a national park area because of its good natural environment.

In 2009, the coast with a special ecosystem formed with volcanic topography and unique geology was recognized as a Japan Geopark and recognized as a UNESCO World Geopark in 2015. Geopark is an area formed with rare topography and geology, such as strata, rocks, and volcanoes, and refers to natural parks that are connected to tourism promotion through continuous use and utilization. By actively utilizing this natural environment, it joined the "Japan's Most Beautiful Villages" alliance in 2009 and is using it to promote the village (Park, 2017).

However, the population from about 7,000 around 1950 decreased to 2,353 in 2015, and the aging rate in 2018 reached 42.1%. The declining population and high aging rate were also linked to financial difficulties. The financial power index is an indicator of the financial power of each local government, and is a number obtained by dividing the amount of income by the amount of expenditure. If it is 1, the balance is achieved, and if it is 1 or more, the central government subsidy is basically not paid. The fiscal power index of Amacho in 2014 was 0.09, which was very low, ranking 1,738 out of 1,765 local governments (Park, 2017).

Then, how did the small island village of Amacho overcome this crisis and become an exemplary case for regional regeneration? The first thing to start was administrative reform. To tackle the financial crisis, Amacho cut salaries for civil servants. In 2005, a budget of about $1.46 million was secured by reducing the labor cost of civil servants by an average of 22%. Some of the budget secured in this way was used as support expenses (wedding congratulations, childbirth congratulations, childcare fees, infant medical expenses, etc.) for those who wish to live in Amacho newly.

Interestingly, the local residents responded to the reduction in labor costs by civil servants, so the elderly club decided to increase the fare for the elderly on the village bus and returned the subsidy paid by the government. It is evaluated that this was a decisive moment for the conservative and reluctant residents to open their hearts (Kim, 2020).

The next administrative reform undertaken was organizational reform. The organization was slimmed down and horizontal solidarity was strengthened, and seniority was abolished. In addition, by advocating ‘the right place’, local public officials with a lot of interest and passion for regional revitalization were actively placed at the forefront of the project.

In addition, emphasizing ‘on-the-ground’, employees were placed in the departments related to industry promotion and public service for regional revitalization by adjusting the internal capacity, and the office was placed in the Amacho Port Passenger Terminal (Kim, 2020).

The background of local residents' active cooperation in overcoming financial difficulties, such as voluntarily raising bus fares and returning subsidies, can be thought of as the result of improved 'quality of relationship' as the bond between public officials and local residents was strengthened.

In addition, based on active local publicity, Amacho launched a project to send hometown products as a gift by establishing a 'Hometown Making Donation' so that people from Amacho living in other countries can help their hometown. This system has once again strengthened the sense of community for those living away from their hometown, while also having the effect of promoting Amacho’s specialties to the outside world (Kim, 2020).

As the next strategy, Amacho “branded” the entire island to create new industries and jobs by utilizing the village’s resources. In addition, the local residents actively participated in the regeneration policy and led the project (Kim, 2020). The regional revitalization strategy named the "Ama Department Store Plan," prioritized the natural environment of the island as an asset of the reef, with "Sea," "Sea Breeze," and "Salt" as keywords. With the goal of revitalizing the primary industry by recognizing the natural environment of the region as a resource, the industry was promoted to create jobs and generate profits for local residents.

However, it was not easy to persuade the local government to revitalize the region by creating a new industry for the local residents. This is probably not because the local people are satisfied with the current environment, but because the resignation that “cannot be done” has accumulated over a long period of time in a situation in which the village itself has lost its vitality due to a decrease in population (Shin and Park, 2012).

The characteristics of amacho's strategy for regional revitalization can be summarized as 'storytelling' and 'shifting of ideas' that maximize the use of the local natural environment. And what made this possible was the active participation of local residents. A new story was created by linking products with three familiar and easy-to-understand keywords: “sea,” “sea breeze,” and “salt,” selected from the local natural environment.

Through this, they succeeded in raising awareness by making common products that can be found everywhere into their own brand of Amacho. For example, in the case of salt, using the historical fact that kings in the past ate salt from this area, it contains a special story in common salt that can be obtained anywhere on the island (Yeom, 2006).

The ‘shifting of ideas’ emphasized by Amacho can be basically summed up in the words of finding what is there rather than complaining about what is not there. Residents took the initiative to ask questions about what kind of village they would like to build and tried to find answers.

This is called 'village study', and the residents themselves formed a study group to foster symbiosis with nature and local patriotism (Kozawa, 2016). In addition, events such as “Local Treasure Hunt” in which the villagers were the main actors provided an opportunity to rediscover the richness of the region that was not recognized even after living for a long time.

Through this experiential exchange event, the mutual bond of local people was strengthened and the pride of the region was improved. Not only the experiences and exchange events of local residents, but also a booklet re-illuminating the lives of local residents is a good example of the village study practice. ‘Village studies’, which can be said to be a practical regional study by and for the residents, do not stop at knowing the tradition and history of the village. It plays a role in not only finding the local character but also creating a new local character.

This is because the history of the village can be turned into a tourism resource in the process of discovering the local character and rediscovering the region. In this process, a new identity of the village is created, and the villagers become more proud of the region (Kozawa, 2016).

On the other hand, there was a 'shifting of ideas' centered on 'outsiders' that recreated existing village resources into new products and made profits. The product development trainee system, which Amacho has been recruiting since 1998, is to develop new specialties and form local communities through an outsider’s point of view.

An example of success in 'rediscovering' the charm of an island village through the eyes of trainees from outside and inventing a new product is instant curry using conch. Amacho residents boldly abandoned the exclusive perception of outsiders that occurred in the isolated environment of an island and accepted them as a local resource (Kim, 2020).

In particular, Amacho's slogan, “There is nothing missing,” is more directly revealed as the success factor of the shift in the idea of Amacho posted at tourist information centers in the port, which is the gateway to the village. From the point of view of the convenience of living in the environment of a small island village, the self-helpful resignation that "there is nothing" would be appropriate.

However, it is interpreted that the motto of amacho contains the wish to change this into 'there is nothing'. In fact, this slogan for a change in thinking has become another brand of Amacho. This is because it becomes a keyword for various media coverage on the topic of regional regeneration or is publicly mentioned as the reason for the success of amacho at academic conferences (Kim, 2020).

Amacho's efforts as described above have turned out to be tangible results. First of all, as the number of requests for industrial experience and training not only in Japan but also in so-called developing countries increased rapidly, about 190 organizations and 2,400 people visited Amacho in 2014 alone.

The number of tourists also increased by 30% in 2015 compared to 2008. Also, from 2004 to 2014, the number of migrants increased by 438 (326 households), and the settlement rate was over 50%, resulting in an influx of population equivalent to 10% of the village's population. Above all, the number of babies born from 8 between 2003 and 2005 increased to 18 between 2013 and 2015. This puts a small brake on the rapid population decline (Kim, 2020).

To sum up, in order to revive the declining fishing village, a regional regeneration policy led by local residents was introduced, and the tourism resources possessed by the region were branded. And in this process, it can be seen as a successful policy case in which the local residents' affection and pride for the region grew.

(3) The Fishing Village New Deal 300 in South Korea

One of the key national tasks of the Moon Jae-In administration was the Fishing Village New Deal 300. The Fishing Village New Deal 300 is a project to regenerate 300 fishing villages, diversify their income structure, and revitalize the region to lead innovative growth of fishing villages (Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries, 2019).

Fishing villages in South Korea have abundant growth potential as they have various marine tourism resources such as the sea, islands, marine leisure, fishing ports, fishery resources, and natural scenery. But the content was absolutely lacking. Therefore, considering these conditions, it was necessary to diversify the industrial structure of fishing villages into marine tourism and leisure industries, and to lay the foundation for sustainable growth of fishing villages through capacity building projects of residents (Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries, 2019).

Compared to large-scale SOCs that are comparable to those of developed countries, such as 7th in railways, 12th in roads, and 13th in airports, fishing ports and harbors, which are the living spaces of fishing village residents and key facilities for economic activities, are very underdeveloped (World Economic Forum, 2017). In particular, 170 of the total 340 ferry ports were small ports that were not designated as legal fishing ports, and their docking facilities and safety facilities were very poor.

The lack of infrastructure in small ports leads to deterioration of the settlement conditions in fishing villages, and there is a concern about the continued population decline and the extinction of the population in the island area (Korea Institute of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Development, 2017).

In addition, the lack of dedicated moorings essential for the spread of marine leisure culture and frequent conflicts between users and fishermen over the use of moorings in fishing ports act as obstacles to the popularization of marine leisure (Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries, 2019). However, the government's efforts to solve this problem so far have been carried out in a disconnected manner with no connection between policies, resulting in insufficient achievements that local residents and the public can feel.

As a result of a public perception survey on fishing villages, the majority of the people's opinions about fishing villages were "outdated facilities", "nothing to enjoy", and "smelly and dirty" (The Fisheries Cooperative, 2016). Therefore, in order to promote marine tourism based on the various tourism resources of fishing villages, an integrated development project based on the fishing port, which is the center of life and economy of fishing villages, was needed (Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries, 2019).

Based on this background, the Fishing Village New Deal 300 project emerged. The Fishing Village New Deal 300 consists of a common project to modernize the essential infrastructure of fishing villages and a specialized project to promote regionally specialized industries according to the unique characteristics of the region. From 2019 to 2026, a total of 300 fishing villages and fishing ports are supported with up to $11.3 million per location and an average of $7.55 million in national project costs.

< Before and after the New Deal 300 project in fishing villages >

** Source: Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries. (2019), The 3rd Basic Plan              for the Development of Fishing Villages and Fishing Ports.

<A bird's eye view of the fishing village New Deal 300 project>

** Source: Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries. (2019), The 3rd Basic Plan              for the Development of Fishing Villages and Fishing Ports.

The project site is selected through a public contest hosted by the government. Fishing villages wishing to be selected must meet two requirements to apply. First, due to spatial requirements, the target area for application for competition is limited to legal fishing ports (excluding national fishing ports), small ports, and fishing villages in the hinterland. Second, as a functional requirement, a regional consultative body composed of local residents and experts must be formed in advance. Third, as a financial requirement, 30% of the local government budget must be supported (Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries, 2019).

So far, 300 target sites have been selected, and the fishing villages selected in 2019 and 2020 have already completed the project, and discussions on follow-up management are actively underway. The success of the Fishing Village New Deal 300 project ultimately depends on how active and harmonious the network between local residents, the central government, local governments, and experts is.

For a long time, fishing villages have been recognized as having stronger cohesion than other rural or mountain villages based on the cooperative relationship of co-production and co-distribution based on the fishery industry.

Fishing villages are located on the coast or islands, so accessibility is low and farmland is small, so economic activities depend on the fishing industry, and fishing grounds in the fishing zone are used jointly. Due to these characteristics, fishing villages have a strong sense of community, it is difficult to join community members. The practice of joint management has been established (Park, 1998).

The fishing village community is a spontaneous organization created by the residents living in the fishing village cooperating in life and economic activities. Among them, the fishing village system is a centripetal organization of the fishing village community derived from the spirit of Fraternity, a mutual aid organization that has existed spontaneously in fishing villages since ancient times (Jang, 1980).

The number of fishing village fraternity scattered across coastal islands nationwide increased from 1955 in 1964 to 2,258 in 1972, and as of 2015, there are 2,018. By region, Jeonnam and Gyeongnam have 848 (42.0%) and 464 (23.0%), accounting for 65% of all fishing villages (Kim, 2017).

< Status of Fishing Village Fraternity >

Looking at the types of fishing village Fraternity, 595 villages were fishing boat villages, accounting for 29.5% of the total, followed by 693 villages (34.3%) of fish farming type, and 730 villages (36.2%) of combined fishing type. There are 306 suburban type (15.2%) and 388 vulnerable district type (19.2%). Looking at the fishing zone area per fishing village, Gangwon, Jeju, and Gyeongin regions have relatively large village fishing areas compared to the national average, seaweed is large in Jeonnam and Jeonbuk, shellfish is Jeonbuk, Chungcheong, and Jeonnam, and cooperative aquaculture is tallied in Jeju, Gangwon, and Gyeongbuk.

<Distrubution of Fishing Village Fraternity by Activity and Location Type>

The number of fishing village members per fishing village fraternity system continues to decrease. The national average decreased by 11.7% from 77.5 per facility in 2005 to 68.4 in 2015.

< Change Member by Fishing Village Fraternity >

This is because the decline in the fishing population and the abandonment of the fishing industry due to the aging of fishing villages had a direct impact. By region, while Jeonbuk and Chungcheong increased the number of fishing village members, most regions showed a decrease. In particular, the decrease in the number of members is remarkable in fishing villages near large cities such as Busan and Gyeongin.

Traditional fishing communities have established a practice of exclusive use of fishing grounds in the village (Kim, 2010). The fishing village community prioritizes community norms over individual tendencies through socio-cultural homogeneity and closure based on blood ties. Fishing villages have contributed a lot to the local economy by playing a pivotal role in the development of South  Korea's fishery industry by producing and supplying fishery products and providing fishery labor.

However, with economic growth and changes in social conditions, the roles and characteristics of fishing villages are changing. First, with economic growth, people are concentrated in large cities in search of good living conditions and comfortable jobs, and fishing villages are experiencing a serious shortage of successors and an aging population.

In other words, changes in fishing villages are closely related to the structural problem of shrinking the fishing industry in the process of economic development. Along with the deterioration of fisheries conditions, the hollowing out of fishing villages and the progress of aging are appearing as a reduction in the size of fishing villages.

In addition, although the number of new fishermen is increasing, it is often difficult to join the community due to the closed nature of fishing villages. The nature of the fishing community is also weakening in the cooperative relationship of joint production and distribution based on the fishery industry (Park et al., 2014).

In other words, fishing village communities are gradually diversifying and weakening due to changes in residents' ownership and use of fishing grounds, changes in consciousness, and development of fishing technology (Seo, 2002).

The diversification of fishing communities has a positive aspect in that the environment of fishing villages becomes more complex and diversified, but the solidarity of fishing villages, where the fishing community was the center, is in the process of being relaxed and dismantled.

The diversification of fishing communities can be interpreted as a process of experiencing growing pains moving from an economic community centered on fishing activities to cultural diversity and diverse fishing village industries. In other words, the diversification of fishing village communities is making it more difficult to express and manage conflicts of interests and conflicts.

Conflicts arise in these various processes, and tend to deepen and recur over a long period of time. This not only undermines the unity of the fishing village community, but can also act as a great threat to the development of the entire fishing village (Park et al., 2004).

Conflict can be defined in various ways because the mode in which it occurs in each society and group is different, but it is generally defined as inevitable due to the interdependence and complexity of human society (Park et al., 2004). Conflict is a situation that represents a form of disharmony or opposition between members and groups (Klausner & Groves, 1994), and is understood to exist when two people or two groups each seek something that is mutually incompatible.

Even in the process of promoting regional development projects, internal and external conflicts can occur sufficiently when leaders and residents, or between residents, pursue values that are mutually incompatible. And if not managed, it can cause fatal results such as disrupting the business as well as disintegrating the community.

Looking at the aspects of conflict that appear during the course of the Fishing Village New Deal 300 project, the first is the difficulty in forming a local council due to residents' indifference. It is true that the existing regional development has been conducted mainly by the public sector and implementers, excluding residents' participation. Resident participation refers to the participation of residents who will be affected by the policy in the process of policy formation and implementation, influencing the policy decision, and voluntarily participating in the process of implementation government agencies and their members (Jo, 1998). It is defined as the non-violent policy action of ordinary citizens who seek to influence the decision-making of public officials (Kim, 1994).

Although the institutional conditions for residents' participation are established based on relevant laws, it is known that the extent to which residents can participate in the development process from actual planning to implementation is very limited (Kim and Lee, 2010).

However, in the case of the Fishing Village New Deal 300 Project The pre-organization of regional councils is compulsory as a requirement for competition. This is a measure to prevent delays or setbacks in the project due to opposition from local residents (Bong, 2019). And it is also contributes to the democratization of administration by forming a consensus on resident participation in each region interested in the project.

However, there are many cases where residents are indifferent and have difficulties starting from the formation of local councils. The low level of consciousness, passive attitude, and lack of capacity as democratic citizens are suggested as reasons for the difficulty of residents' participation in the process of regional development (Kwon et al., 2004). As a way to compensate for this phenomenon, education to improve residents' awareness can be cited.

At this time, it is thought that it is better to consider the characteristics of each region when choosing between top-down education and education through voluntary organization. Depending on the characteristics of the village members, sometimes group convocation education programs and sometimes voluntary organizational formation encouragement and support are effective and produce different results (Kim, 2009). Governance members composed of residents, local governments, and experts need to devise the contents and specific methods of education necessary for the village through more careful observation of each other.

Second, there are still many resident participation in the process of regional development in Korea, which is temporary for their own property, that is, economic compensation, and there are many unorganized actions in the form of emotional struggle, and accordingly, there are more negative aspects that hinder administration (Kim et al., 2004). As such, even in the process of the Fishery Village New Deal 300 project, there are residents who are uncooperative, thinking that individual economic interests are being infringed (Lee et al. 2019).

In a study by Cho and Kim (2008), which attempted to interpret the conflicts that arise during the implementation of rural area development projects, the expression of conflicts not only intentionally interfered with project promotion by some residents, but also caused bullying of certain residents, formation of cliques among residents, and related organizations. It pointed out that rather serious consequences may appear, from filing various complaints to judicial authorities to complaints and accusations.

In implementing the Fishing Village New Deal 300 project, this is a possible conflict aspect, and it should be sufficiently considered, prevented, and managed as it may result in the collapse of the village community beyond simply disrupting the business. These seem to be manifestations of individual egoism, and to solve this, it seems that there is room for improvement through education to improve residents' awareness, which was suggested in the first result.

As the pre-organization of a local consultative body is mandatory for the smooth implementation of the project, continuous education centered on residents is necessary so that the positive results of the investment can be maintained without disintegration of the village community even after the project is completed.

Third, the implementation system of the Fishing Village New Deal 300 project has a structure of connectivity in which support and consultation between each stage are closely conducted, ranging from the village level, local government level, and national level. Among them, at the village level and local government level, a governance system composed of residents, officials in charge of each local government, and experts in each field is established.

This system can be seen as being established at the earliest stage of a project and having a great influence on the process of project acceptance, evaluation, selection, and project execution. This governance serves to collect the opinions of the residents of the project site and support the implementation of the resident-led project.

At this time, a leader representing the residents is needed, and the chief of the fishing village fraternity is usually in charge of this role. There is a chief appointed by the members of the fishing village, and the chief executes affairs on behalf of the fishing village (Joo, 2016). The leadership role of the local council, which is assumed by the head of the fishing village, is indispensable in the Fishing Village New Deal 300 project as in other similar projects (Part et al., 2007; Park and Kim, 2008; Ahn, 2006).

Leaders play a role in allowing residents to participate in projects independently by presenting a common regional vision and organizing residents (Moon, 2007). It also forms community goals and strategies according to them and realizes goals through the efforts of residents (Park and Kim, 2000). However, in many cases, Leaders have been found to be required to make excessive sacrifices. In this process, leaders sometimes experience a loss of leadership that loses their vision and passion for business promotion.

In a study by Jo and Kim (2008), excessive sacrifice demands from village leaders were raised as a cause of conflicts expressed in the process of promoting regional development projects. Village leaders are required to sacrifice from public offering to project promotion and operation, but the compensation for this is weak, and there are cases where people endure the situation only with a sense of mission and eventually give up their positions after feeling skeptical (Jo and Kim, 2008).

Warden (2017) suggested that regional leaders should be collaborative, mission-driven, persistent, inclusive, and reflective. Whether local innovative leaders with these qualities are born or created by the environment has been at the center of a long-standing debate in the field of leadership studies, but it is said that the leadership required of leaders appears differently depending on the stage of maturity of the village (Bae, 2018).

Sufficient communication and understanding with residents is necessary so that leaders do not lose a sense of solidarity with residents even if they sometimes face crises in the process of contesting and promoting projects, and maintain a relationship of trust by restoring a sense of mission that they had in the beginning. It is believed that the participation of residents in the process will contribute.

Fourth, during the process of promoting the Fishing Village New Deal 300 project, leaders and residents doubt and distrust the will of the local government, which is considered absolutely important for project promotion. As Park et al.(2004) mentioned, when national projects are not smoothly promoted due to conflicts, this leads to waste of money and inconvenience to beneficiaries, undermining the credibility of national and local government policies, It can act as a factor that deteriorates the relationship between the parties.

In the fishing village New Deal 300 project, villagers who failed to selected in the public contest also find the cause of the failure in communication with local governments. In addition, village leaders and residents in the selected area expressed dissatisfaction with the progress of local governments, indicating that communication between villages and local governments was not smooth (Lee et al. 2019).

If residents feel that the government's policy-making process is one-sided, and if this process is perceived as a decision-making system that pursues only non-disclosure of information, administrative convenience, and efficiency, distrust and tension arise in the relationship between residents and stakeholders. There are cases in which it develops into aggressive behavior by invoking and creating hostility (Park et al.,2004). At this time, sufficient communication helps to eliminate mutual distrust by reducing uncertainty, so the participation of residents in the decision-making process related to project competition and promotion plans is a good way to prevent and manage conflicts.

According to the revised guidelines for the Fishing Village New Deal 300 project announced by the Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries in June 2019, the project period, which was two years before the change, was extended by one year to three years (Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries, 2019). It reflects the appropriate implementation period, which is good news for fishing villages who pointed out the lack of time. In addition, it seems desirable to encourage residents' participation in the decision-making process in order to recognize the difficulties that residents face in the process of contesting and promoting.

In order to resolve the above conflict patterns, it is first necessary to deploy experts (coordinators) at the national level by region (Lee et al., 2019). As previously discussed, the area that conspires for the fishing village New Deal 300 project is required to form a regional consultative body. Local consultative bodies are formed by gathering residents, administrators, and experts, but in fact, experts often do not play their roles as subjects. In addition, even within the consultative body, residents' leaders often have difficulty coordinating between residents' opinions and local governments' opinions, and they often experience a lack of leadership.

The selected region intends to carry out the project based on the already completed plan, but there will be inevitably revised or unexpected large and small problems to be solved, but there is no person in the regional council who can overall coordinate them. In this sense, it is necessary to deploy experts (coordinators) with executive power at the national level for areas that require coordination of opinions between the parties of the regional consultative body as a whole.

Second, it is necessary to educate residents to build trust with local residents and improve awareness (Lee et al., 2019). This education will contribute to improving the negative perception of residents and resolving residents' conflicts by providing various information such as the necessity and importance of the project, the advantages and disadvantages of project selection and progress, and ways to minimize possible damage or side effects.

At this time, education programs should also include awareness training on public goods. As reviewed above, there are residents who are uncooperative or intentionally obstruct the project conspiracy and progress because they believe that the individual's economic interests are being infringed upon during the aspect of the conflict. In order to solve these problems, public goods awareness education should be included among residents' education.

The important thing is that continuous education is needed not only in the project competition stage but also in the progress stage after selection. If so, it will be able to work as a way to resolve conflicts caused by non-cooperation and intentional obstruction that may arise due to the lack of understanding of the public nature of government-funded projects and the accountability of residents.

Third, it is the participation of residents in the decision-making process. Residents' participation is an effective way to promote understanding between leaders and residents and to dispel misunderstandings and distrust between leaders and residents, and between local governments and residents through expressing opinions and discussions in the process.

Community awareness can also be expected through frequent interactions, which will reduce the burden on leaders who are required to make excessive sacrifices and resolve residents' distrust of local governments (Lee et al., 2019).

Fourth, it is necessary to continuously develop and apply a roadmap that can be applied in reality. Even if procedures such as regional placement of experts, resident education, structuring of pre-learning and reflux systems, and participation of residents in the decision-making process are included at the national level, there will be inevitable conflicts and trial and error. At this time, a proper roadmap should be continuously presented through thorough research reflecting practical aspects (Lee et al., 2019).

6. Conclusion

The concept of ‘network governance’ is attracting attention as a new way to solve complex social problems. Network governance does not depend on coercion or authority by the public domain, but means cooperating through interdependence and common goals without distinction between the public and the private sector (Lee, 2011).

Network governance is different from the traditional hierarchy or market. It is characterized by decentralization and a horizontal decision-making structure. Exploring the interaction, cooperation process, and performance factors of network governance as a new coordination method provides important implications for finding solutions to various problems in modern society.

The local regeneration policy is not a one-time policy, but a policy made by local residents from a sustainable long-term perspective. Therefore, it can be said that network governance is a very suitable theoretical framework for the successful implementation of these policies.

Based on the success cases of Kalasamata and Amacho and the limitations of the Fishing Village New Deal 300 project, I would like to present the following policy recommendations for the successful establishment and operation of network governance and the success of regional regeneration projects through it.

First of all, as seen in the case of Amacho, the government itself must show its will to change. The Amacho presented that the area in which they were working was at risk and that the local government would make a desperate effort to address it as civil servants cut their own wages.

The government's strong and active will for change will increase the people's ability to accept the policy. Therefore, the implementation of the policy is made easier and the policy result is inevitably effective.

Second, in order to change and develop fishing village communities, it is urgently necessary to accurately grasp the actual conditions of fishing village communities. Currently, there is a ‘Fishing Village Classification Assessment’ of the Federation of Fisheries Cooperatives, but it is difficult to identify various fishing villages as it only targets fishing villages, and there are many errors in the survey and aggregation process, so there is a problem of low reliability. Therefore, it is suggested that a fact-finding survey on fishing villages be carried out as soon as possible in order to accurately grasp the actual conditions of fishing villages.

Third, it is necessary to positively change the perception of local residents through the active promotion of regional regeneration policies. As in the case of Kalasamata, when residents' awareness of the policy is positively increased, resident participation is activated. Therefore, a more active policy publicity is required in the present or in the future that the region and its residents can receive many benefits from the regeneration policy.

In particular, active resident participation should be made from the beginning of the regeneration policy. However, in practice, the majority of local governments lack awareness of public relations, so residents' participation is minimal and passive. It can be seen that incentives are also needed to promote residents' participation by preparing various events or compensation systems.

Fourth, it is necessary to enhance the capacity of local residents for voluntary participation. Regional regeneration is a long-lasting policy. Resident competence cannot be formed in a short time. Administrative and financial support as well as capacity-building education support for local residents to develop their own capabilities should be continuously provided.

Through the experiences and trials and errors experienced by local residents in small-scale various community projects, their potential can be enhanced and individual capabilities can be strengthened. In addition, it will be easy to promote realistic projects if you directly tour areas with experience in promoting regional regeneration projects or invite experienced village representatives to share experiences.

Fifth, for the success of network governance, the prompt response of local and central governments to the ideas presented by local residents and the ability to accept broad policies are required. In other words, it is necessary to have an open and receptive attitude in which opinions can be freely exchanged with each other so that the mutual feedback effect can be strengthened.

Sixth, the success of network governance is ultimately determined by the high-quality data and information provided to the public (Robinson et al., 2010). Efforts have been made by the government to open large-scale data in the public domain. However, even if the government discloses large-scale data or information, if it is not processed or it is difficult for the public to use it directly, it is inevitably difficult to create added value using the network.

Moreover, considering the reality that the government cannot solve the problem independently due to the rapid increase in administrative demand like today, the importance of data disclosure that can be used or closely related to people's lives is more prominent. In a successful regional regeneration project using network governance, open innovation in which participants can freely access and utilize data or resources is essential (Ansell & Gash, 2018).

Finally, I propose to promote a pilot project that actually applies the network governance suggested in the study to the field. The goal is to create a “(tentative name) sea village community” in which local residents, the government, academia, and private companies cooperate with each other by selecting candidates from among the sites for the Fishing Village New Deal 300 project currently being promoted.

People who know the region best should come together to propose to each other what tourism resources they have and think about how to brand them. In addition, a system should be created so that these decisions can be immediately implemented by the government and the private sector.

By promoting such a pilot project, it will be possible to establish policy related to network governance of fishing villages by evaluating the project performance and to attain the policy justification to supplement the system and secure the budget and manpower.

The limitations of this policy report are summarized as follows. The overseas cases presented here and the fishing villages in Korea clearly have heterogeneous political, economic, social, and cultural characteristics. Therefore, there will be restrictions in applying overseas success stories entirely to Korean society.

Also, there is a limitation in analyzing the success factors of regional regeneration by confining it to the voluntary and active participation of local residents. Further studies are needed in the future for more extensive case studies and multi-faceted analysis of success conditions.

Despite these limitations, this policy report proposes the introduction of a regional regeneration policy to overcome the manpower shortage, aging, and village extinction that Korea's fishing villages are facing, and it is meaningful in that it seeks to suggest policy alternatives and seek directions with theoretical considerations.

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